IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


1.0 

^'  Urn    1^ 

■^  Uii   12.2 

I.I 

^   1^    |2.0 

m 

IIM     1.6 

II 1  ^^ 

<5% 


7> 


-^ 


"^w> 


>V 


-^4 


^K^*' 

^ 


'^ 


'/ 


PhotDgraphic 

Sciences 

Corporalion 


m 


V 


iV 


:\ 


\ 


^^  ^\  ^<S 


2n  WIS*  MAIN  STRUT 

WnSTEii.N.Y.  14SM 

1.16)  •72-4S03 


'^ 


A 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  hiistorical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  i3e  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checiced  below. 


D 
D 
D 
D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommag^e 

Covers  restored  ar.d/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  peiliculAe 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bieue  ou  noire) 


I      I   Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
ReiiA  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  iiure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  ia 
distortion  ie  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
11  se  peut  que  cert    /les  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauru  Jon  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
male,  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  M  filmAes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppi6mentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'ii  iui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modiification  dans  ia  methods  normaie  de  filmage 
sont  indiquto  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 
D 

D 


V 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag6es 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restauries  et/ou  peiiicuides 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6coior6es,  tachet6es  ou  piqu6es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


I     I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  indgaie  de  i'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  disponibie 


Tl 
tc 


Tl 

P< 

ot 
fil 


O 

b( 
til 
•i 
ol 
fil 
•i( 

Ol 


T» 
all 
Tl 

wl 


Pagbs  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totaiement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiiiet  d'errata,  une  peiure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  fiimies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

V 

12X 


16X 


20X 


MX 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  fllm«cl  h«r«  has  b««n  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  oanarosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


L'axamplaira  film*  fut  raproduit  grica  i  la 
flAn^rosIti  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
posslbia  eonsldaring  tha  condition  and  laglbliity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  iiaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacif icatlons. 


Original  coplas  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  fllmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  or  tha  bacic  covar  whan  apprnpriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
aion.  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microf icha 
ahall  contain  tha  symbol  -^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 

Maps,  platas.  charts,  ate  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axposura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar.  iaft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrams  illu«trata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  imagaa  auivantas  ont  AtA  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  eompta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  ia  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  f ilmA,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Las  axampiairas  originaux  dont  ia  couvartura  •n 
papiar  ast  imprimis  sont  filmAs  an  comman9ant 
par  ia  pramiar  piat  at  mn  tarminant  soif  par  la 
darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iliustration,  soit  par  ia  sacond 
plat,  saion  ia  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axampiairas 
origlnaux  sont  filmAs  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iliustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
darniAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha.  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbols  -^  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  ▼  signifis  "FIN". 

Lss  cartas,  planchas,  tabiaaux,  ate.  pauvsnt  Atra 
filmAs  A  das  taux  da  rAduction  diff Arants. 
Lorsqua  la  documant  ast  trap  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  mn  un  ssul  clichA.  il  ast  f  ilmA  A  psrtir 
ds  langla  supAriaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  A  droita. 
at  da  haut  an  bas.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nAcassaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthoda. 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

I2>^ 


SPEECH 


\        f 


OF 


HON.  A.  H.  SEYIEK,  OF  ARKANSAS, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  WEDNESDAY,  M4RCH  25,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  OFFICE  OF  BLAIR  AND  RIVES. 

1846. 


s  S\\ 


* 


1 


: 


I      4 


;  ■.  'y 


'-    ,*v\ 


THE    OREGON   QUESTION. 


1 


The  Joint  Resolution  for  giving  the  notice  to  ter- 
minate the  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  Oregon  Terri- 
tory, being  under  consideration — 

Mr.  SEVIER  addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 
Mr.  President  :  The  President  of  the  United 
Slates,  in  the  discharge  of  a  public  duty  to  his 
country,  gave  us,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  session  of  Congress,  a  full  and  detailed 
statement  of  our  relations  with  Great  Britain,  upon 
the  subject  of  the  Oregon  territory;  and  he  recom- 
mended Congress,  in  the  conclusion  of  that  state- 
ment, to  annul  and  abrogate  the  conventions  of 
1618  and  1827,  which  are  now  in  force,  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  by  the 
terms  of  which,  certain  privileges  in  that  territory 
were  conferred  upon  the  respective  citizens  of  the 
two  countries.  The  President  also  recommended 
in  his  Message,  in  connection  with  this  subject, 
other  measures,  of  which  I  shall  not  now  speak,  as 
they  are  not  now  properly  before  the  Senate. 

Sir,  this  Message  of  the  President,  recommend- 
ing the  abrogation  of  those  conventions,  and  a  res- 
olution offered  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr. 
Allen,]  having  in  view  the  same  object,  were  re- 
ferred, at  an  early  day,  to  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Relations.  That  committee  acted  promptly 
upon  the  subject,  and  reported  the  resolution  now 
under  consideration,  as  imbodying  the  views  which 
that  committee  deemed  most  proper  for  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Senate. 

This  resolution,  sir,  is  brief,  clear,  definite,  com- 
prehensive, and  unencumbered  with  any  extrane- 


ous matter.  It  proposes  only  to  do  that  which, 
without  offence  or  explanation,  we  have  the  un- 
questioned right  to  do. 

The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Re- 
lations, [Mr.  Allen,]  on  the  eighth  of  January, 
(a  day,  by-the-by ,  memorable  in  the  annals  of  our 
country,)  moved,  in  obedience  to  the  instructions 
of  his  committee,  to  designate  an  early  day  for  its 
consideration.    That  motion  he  made,  but  it  did 
not  succeed.    But  a  day  for  that  purpose,  some 
weeks  more  remote,  was  fixed  upon  by  the  Senate. 
This  postponement  wets  made  to  gratify  some  Sen- 
ators, who  desired,  before  acting  upon  this  subject, 
to  hear  from  England.    We  were  told  that  a  pack- 
el  about  that  time  was  expected,  and  that  it  was 
highly  important  to  wait  until  it  should  arrive  with 
its  intelligence.    Other  Senators  desired  this  post- 
ponement, because  they  thought  it  unwise  for  the 
Senate  to  act  until  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  was  then  considering  it,  should  have  dis- 
posed of  this  question.    And  other  Senators,  resi- 
ding convenient  to  this  capital,  desired  this  post- 
ponement, that  they  might  be  indulged  in  a  visit 
to  their  homes,  on  business  or  pleasure.  All  these, 
constituting  a  majority  of  the  Senate,  were  gratified, 
and  accordingly  the  consideration  of  this  resolution 
was  deferred  until  the  10th  of  February.    Before 
that  day,  sir,  the  House  had  disposed  of  this  sub- 
ject; the  expected  packet,  with  its  intelligence,  had 
arrived;  the  absentees  had  returned,  and  this  reso- 
lution was  then  taken  up;  and  fi-om  that  day  to 
this  its  consideration  has  engrossed  nearly  the 
whole  of  our  time.    And  yet,  sir,  can  any  one  tell, 


however  careful  may  have  l)eon  his  obsrrvations, 
what  is  to  be  its  fate,  and  when  it  shall  be  dis- 
posed of? 

Sir,  in  the  interval  bctv.cen  the  report  of  this 
resolution  and  the  day  designated  for  its  consider- 
ation, ...e  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Cuitten- 
denJ  proposed  a  substitute,  which  has  for  its  ob- 
ject ttie  removal  of  the  responsibility  (whatever 
that  may  be)  of  giving  this  notice,  from  Congress, 
■where  it  properly  belongs,  and  to  place  that  res- 
ponsibility upon  the  shoulders  of  the  Executive. 
From  this  responsibility,  should  it  be  transferred 
to  him,  the  President  will  not  shrink.     Authorize 
him,  in  liis  discretion,  to  give  this  notice  to  Great 
Britain,  and  as  certainly  as  the  sun  rises,  on  the 
day  on  which  he  is  vested  with  such  discretion, 
will  this  notice,  before  that  sun  sets,  be  given. 
This  we  all  know.     But  is  it  right,  is  it  consistent 
with  the  dignity  and  cliaracter  of  the  Senate,  to 
evade  their  just  and  proper  responsibility,  and 
confer  it  upon  another  department  of  the  Govern- 
ment? How  unlike  is  this  to  the  chivalrous  bearing 
of  my  fViend  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Archer,]  who, 
the  other  day,  expressed  his  unwillingness  to  vote 
for  any  measure  which  might  lead  to  war,  because, 
k'rom  his  age  and  position,  he  was  protected  from 
its  consequences.     Is  there  not  something  timid 
and  unmanly  in  such  a  proceeding  ?    Something 
very  unlike  the  brave  and  proud  heart  of  old  Ken- 
tucky— a  State  ever  jealous  of  the  division  of  the 
spoils  when  danger  is  the  booty  to  be  parcelled 
out?    Should  war  grow  out  of  this  notice,  as  some 
suppose  it  will,  is  it  proper  that  this  power  to  make 
war  should  be,  most  unnecessarily,  placed  at  the 
discretion  of  any  Executive?    I  had  thought  there 
was  a  sort  of  Whig  confessional,  which  was,  that 
the  Executive  pov/er  of  this  country  "  was  too 
^eat,  was  increasing,  and  ought  to  be  diminished. " 
There  certainly  was  a  time,  sir,  when  our  friends 
over  the  way  had  not  such  unbounded  confidence 
in  Executive  discretion;  a  time,  8ir,  when  we 
were  told  by  a  prominent  leader  of  the  party,  that 
he  would  not  confer  s\\ch  extraordinary  power 
upon  a  Democratic  President,  if  the  enemy  were 
at  the  gates  of  the  Capitol.    Why  this  sudden, 
this  generous,  unsoUcited,  unlooked-for  confidence  ? 
It  surely  cannot  be,  that  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky [Mr.  Crittenden]  desires  to  place  the  Pres- 
ident, upon  this  exciting  question,  in  a  position  in 
which,  whatever   he  may  do,   or  omit  to  do, 
the  opportunity  will  be  afforded  to  factionists  and 
slanderers  for  the  g;ratification,  to  the  full  extent, 
of  their  unholy  wishes.     Though  such  are  the 
inevitable  consequences,  in  my  judgment,  of  the 
exercise  of  this  discretionary  power  on  a  question 
of  such  magnitude,  yet  I  shall  ever  be  the  first,  so 
far  as  he  is  concerned,  to  disclaim,  on  his  behalf, 
any  such  unworthy  design. 

The  Senator  from  Kentuckjr  [Mr.  Crittenden] 
also  proposes  to  limit,  as  to  time,  the  discretion- 
ary power  of  tlie  President  on  the  giving  of  this 
notice.  It  is  to  be  g;iven,  not  before  the  close  of 
the  present  session  of  Congress.  And  this  limita- 
tion I  think  unwise.  Whatever  consequences  shall 
grow  out  of  the  giving  of  this  notice,  I  think  it 
very  proper  that  Congress  should  be  here,  in  ses- 
sion, ready  and  willing  to  meet  them.  Unless  on 
Tsry  great  and  unforeseen  emergencies,  I  desire 


never  again  to  see  another  called  session  of  Con- 
gress. The  country,  I  think,  for  all  the  good  they 
havi  done,  are  sufficiently  satisfied  with  such  ex- 
peri)  nents.  And,  after  all,  what  good  can  we  ex- 
pect from  a  delay  of  ninety  or  a  hundred  days  in 
the  giving  of  this  notice?  Will  the  country  be 
better  prepared  for  it  than  now  ?    I  think  not. 

I  object,  also,  to  the  '•  Preamble"  of  the  Senator, 
as  I  do  to  the  "forthicith,"  in  the  Senator's  reso- 
lution. The  "  Preamble"  of  the  Senator  is  mainly 
an  historical  narrative.  It  recites  but  facts  well 
known  to  every  body,  and,  therefore,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  information,  is  wholly  unnecessary.  Do 
we  earnestly  desire  a  speedy  settlement  of  this  Or- 
egon controversy  ?  Our  acts,  as  well  as  our  words, 
snow  it.  It  requires  no  preamble  to  satisfy  any  one 
of  this.  Preambles  and  forthwith?,  Mr.  President, 
have  ever  been  my  abomination.  The  first,  I  re- 
gard as  a  reflection  upon  my  capacity,  and  the 
other,  a  restraint  upon  a  gentleman  s  liberty.  What 
benefit  can  the  Senator  expect  from  his  preamble  ? 
Is  it  intended  as  a  gilded  cover,  or  as  sweetening 
to  the  physic,  we  are  about  to  administer?  Or  is 
it  designed  as  a  piece  of  diplompcy,  by  which  her 
Majesty's  Ministers  are  to  be  tickled.,  and  good- 
humoredly  coaxed  into  negotiation  ?  Is  it  calcu- 
lated that  this  preamble  will  produce  this  result  ? 
My  opinion  is,  sir,  that  Great  Britain  will  be  more 
apt  to  look  at  the  measure  itself,  its  purposes  and 
consequences,  than  to  any  garb,  however  fanciful, 
in  which  it  may  be  clothed.  That  Power  will  ne- 
gotiate with  or  without  this  preamble,  unmindful 
of  our  anxiety,  should  she  consider  it  her  interest 
to  do  so,  and  not  otherwise. 

Sir,  shortly  after  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
Mr.  Crittenden]  had  favored  the  Senate  with 
lis  proposition,  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina 
Mr.  Mangum]  gave  us  notice  of  his  intention  to 
move  two  additional  provisoes  to  the  resolution 
offered  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky.  The  first 
of  these  was,  to  submit  the  Or^on  controversy  to 
arbitration;  and  the  other,  to  organize  in  Oregon  a 
Territorial  Government  after  a  specified  time,  and 
upon  certain  enu.nemted  conditions.  But,  on  the 
10th  of  February,  the  day  on  which  this  question 
was  taken  up,  that  Senator  finding,  I  suppose,  that 
a  proposition  to  aroitrate  this  question  had  beeu 
offered  by  Great  Britain,  and  that  that  offer  had 
been  rejected  by  the  United  States;  and  findings 
also,  I  suppose,  that  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, a  separate  bill  to  organize  in  Oregon  a  Terri- 
torial Government  had  been  reported,  he  abandon- 
ed his  intention  of  offering  those  provisoes.  Those 
propositions,  therefore,  not  now  being  before  the 
Senate,  I  have  no  remarks  to  make  upon  them. 

Subsequently  to  this,  the  Senator  from  Georgia 
[Mr.  Col«uitt]  proposed  an  amendment  to  the 
resolution  oflTered  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky, 
of  which  I  have  spoken,  and  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky,  in  part,  accepted  and  adopted  it  as  his 
own.  The  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, as  modified  at  the  instance  of  the  Senator 
from  Georgia,  differs  from  the  original  in  this:  the 
original  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
authorizes  tne  President,  in  his  discretion,  to  give 
or  not  give  the'notice  after  the  close  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress ;  that  proposition,  as  now 
modified,  proposes  that  Congress  (and  not  the  Pre 


I 


ion  of  Coll- 
ie good  they 
th  such  ex- 
1  can  we  ex- 
Ired  days  in 

country  be 
ink  not. 
the  Senator, 
lator's  reso- 
tor  is  mainly 
ut  facts  well 
,  for  the  pur- 
;essary.     Do 
nt  of  this  Or- 
as  our  words, 
itisfyany  one 
Ir.  President, 
he  first,  I  re- 
ity,  and  the 
iberty.  What 
lis  preamble  ? 
LS  sweetening 
nister  ?    Or  is 
by  which  her 
ea,  and  good- 
?    Is  it  calcu- 
ce  this  result  ? 
n  will  be  more 

purposes  and 
jvever  fanciful, 
Power  will  ne- 
ble,  unmindful 
:  it  her  interest 

rem  Kentucky 
,e  Senate  with 
S^orth  Carolina 
his  intention  to 
the  resolution 
•ky.    The  first 
controversy  to 
ize  in  Oregon  a 
:ified  time,  and 
r.    But,  on  the 
h  this  question 
,1  suppose,  that 
■stion  liad  beea 
,  thai  oflfer  had 
»;  and  finding, 
of  Representa- 
Oregon  aTerri- 
,ed,he  abandon- 
ovisoes.    Those 
leing  before  the 
e  upon  them, 
or  ft-om  Geoi^iH 
tendment  to  the 
from  Kentucky, 
16  Senator  from 
adopted  it  as  his 
•nator  from  Ken- 
e  of  the  Senator 
ginal  in  this:  the 
■  from  Kentucky 
iscretion,  to  give 
le  of  the  present 
)OBition,  aa  now 
(and  not  the  Pre 


fiiflenl)  shall  cive  this  notice,  to  take  effect,  abso- 
lutely, after  Congress  ehnll  ad  journ,  unless  the  Pre- 
sident, in  his  discretion,  shall  see  fit  to  defer  it. 
Now,  sir,  according  to  my  reading,  the  difference 
in  these  resolutions,  in  the  original  and  modified 
form,  is  not  wide  enough  to  pay  for  the  ink  and 
paper  on  which  that  difference  is  recorded.  Either 
to  give  it,  in  the  one  case,  or  to  defer  it,  in  the  other 
— to  do  the  act,  or  to  prevent  it — are,  to  my  mind, 
equally  objectionable,  as  both  rest  upon  the  basis 
of  Executive  discretion,  and  therefore  amenable  to 
all  the  objections  I  have  already  urged  relative  to 
this  discretionary  power. 

The  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Georgia 
also  proposes  to  "negotiate"  and  "compromise." 
If  the  President,  under  our  Constitution,  did  not 
possess  the  power  to  negotiate  upon  all  subjects, 
there  might  be  some  propriety  to  confer  such 
power  upon  him;  but  as  he  possesses  it,  under  the 
Constitution,  and  independent  of  us,  I  think  noth- 
ing beneficial  can  result  from  inserting  such  an 
nuthoyity  in  this  resolution.  On  the  contrary, 
many  evils  may  grow  out  of  it.  It  may,  by  thus 
manifesting  such  anxiety  to  negotiate,  defeat  the 
very  object  it  is  designed  to  subserve.  It  may  do 
more:  it  may  form  a  dangerous  precedent,  and 
lead,  in  future,  if  not  in  this  instance,  to  inroads 
upon  the  Constitution — an  instrument  which  he 
and  I  are  alike  concerned  in  preserving  in  its  beau- 
tiful form  of  simplicity  and  efficiency.  Ever  mind- 
ful of  this,  let  us  exercise  only  the  powers  the  Con- 
stitution confers  upon  the  Senate,  and  leave  to  the 
Executive  those  which  properly  belong  to  him. 

The  Senator  also  pro]ioses  to  compromise.  To 
compromise  what?  The  disputed  territory.  And 
what  is  that?  In  the  British  vocabulary,  it  means 
that  territory  whicl'  lies  between  the  Columbia 
river  and  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude.  We  have 
been  offering  for  years  to  settle  this  boundary  by 
that  parallel;  and  Great  Britain,  on  her  part,  has 
been  offering  to  settle  it  by  the  Columbia  river, 
giving  us  all  south,  and  she  retaining  all  north, 
and  the  river  to  be  common  to  both  nations.  Is 
it  to  divide  this  country,  lying  between  the  Co- 
lumbia and  the  49t.h  parallel,  that  the  word  "  com- 
promise" is  inserted  ?  The  Senator  from  Georgia 
does  not  mean  this,  for  he  has  told  me  he  does  not. 
He  means  to  include  in  his  compromise  all  the 
country  to  which  either  party  set  up  claims  on  the 
Northwest  coast  of  America — all  included  be- 
tween the  parallels  of  42^  and  54°  40'.  This  is 
what  he  means.  But  will  that  meaning  be  put 
upon  it  by  the  British  Government?  Will  even 
our  President  so  construe  it?  The  President  has 
told  us  that,  acting  on  the  principles  of  "  compro- 
mise," and  in  deference  to  the  acts  of  his  prede- 
cessors, he  has  been  unable  to  settle  this  dispute, 
on  such  terms  as  the  United  States  ought  to  accept. 
This  is  the  information  he  gives  us.  He  tells  us 
explicitly  the  offer  he  made,  and  of  its  rejection. 
We  are  informed,  in  one  of  the  protocols,  that 
the  British  Minister  is  not  authorized  even  to 
discuss  our  title  to  the  country  on  that  coast,  north 
of  49°.  He  tells  us,  his  Government  would  not 
accept  of  the  49lh  parallel  as  the  dividing  line; 
and  insists  upon  the  Columbia  as  the  boundary. 
All  these  things  are  in  the  President's  Mess-age 
and  the  documents  which  accompany  it.    This 


Message  is  now  upon  our  tables;  it  has  been  car- 
ried to,  and  read,  in  every  quarter  of  America;  it 
has  been  widely  circulated  and  freely  commented 
upon  in  every  part  of  Europe;  and  yet  the  Sena- 
tor proposes  to  direct  the  President  to  "  compro- 
mise" this  question.  And  how?  By  taking  less 
than  49°?  No,  sir,  he  is  not  for  that.  He  sees, 
by  the  Message,  that  the  President  has  been  una- 
ble to  get  49°:  can  he  get  it  now  ?  I  have  seen 
nothing  to  authorize  such  a  conclusion.  Upon 
what  evidence  is  that  opinion  founded — if,  indeed, 
the  Senator  entertains  that  opinion  ?  I  should  like 
to  know  it.  Not  being  able  to  get  49°,  iipon  what 
terms,  then,  is  he  to  "  compromise?"  The  resolu- 
tion fails  to  indicate  the  terms  upon  which  this 
compromise  is  to  be  make.  Would  it  not  be  well 
for  the  President  to  be  informed  of  the  terms  on 
which  he  is  to  compromise?  and  of  the  terms 
which  would  be  satisfactory  to  the  Senate  ?  Sir, 
the  President  tells  the  Senator,  in  his  Message,  that 
he  is  unable  to  compromise  this  question  on  terms 
which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept.  He  tclla 
them,  in  substance,  that  he  cannot  compromise  this 
question  on  terms  other  than  those  dishonorable 
to  the  nation.  And  will  the  Senator  from  Georgia 
agree  to  compromise  this  question  on  any  such 
terms?  It  would  be  a  libel  on  his  life  to  say  so. 
And  yet,  from  a  fair  construction  of  all  we  have 
before  us,  could  the  President,  or  would  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  put  any  other  construction  upon 
this  resolution,  than  that  other  terms,  more  favor- 
able to  Great  Britain,  and  more  pernicious  to  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  are  to  be  offered  ? 
Terms  which  must  be,  if  more  favorable  than 
those  already  offered,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Presi- 
dent— and  in  that  judgment  I  concur— disgraceful 
to  the  United  States?  I  think  no  other  conclusion 
could  or  would  be  put  upon  this  resolution.  I 
cannot  vote  for  it,  or  for  any  resolution,  under  the 
circumstances,  which  has  the  word  "  compromise" 
in  it. 

Sir,  I  am  not  sure  but  that  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  would  rather  fight 
Great  Britain  to-morrow,  than  yield  up  to  her 
any  part  of  Oregon,  south  of  54°  40' .  I  am  not  sure, 
but  that  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  are  now  ready  to  assert  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  believing,  as  that 
majority  do,  that  the  title  of  their  country  to  the 
whole  of  it  is  unquestionable;  and  with  this  asser- 
tion of  their  title,  I  am  not  sure  but  that  this  ma- 
jority are  not  now  ready,  upon  the  slightest  intima- 
tion from  those  who  nave  control  of  our  public 
affairs,  to  maintain  it  at  all  hazards. 

Sir,  the  people  of  the  United  States  love  their 
country.  They  love  it  because  it  is  their  country. 
They  love  it,  for  its  institutions,  its  fame,  its  pros- 
perity, its  inevitable  destiny,  and,  not  the  less,  for 
the  immensity  of  space  what  that  country  covers. 
Sir,  in  the  affairs  of  this  country,  these  people  bear 
with  impatience  any  interference  of  any  foreign 
Power,  and  particularly  if  that  interference  wears 
the  slightest  encroachment  upon  their  territorial 
rights.  With  still  less  patience  do  they  bear  such 
interference,  if  led  to  believe  it  is  prompted  by  a  de- 
sire, on  an  unfounded  claim,  to  seek  a  position  at 
a  vulnerable  point  of  their  country,  from  which  it 
is  designed  to  annoy  the  country  in  future.    And 


T* 


6 


with  still  less  patience,  if  such  interference,  on 
such  a  claim,  with  such  objects,  conies  from  Eng- 
land, the  rival  of  this  country  in  everything — a 
Pov/er  with  which  they  have  had  two  wars,  and 
many  subsequent  irritating  disputes;  all  of  which 
are  well  remembered,  and  yet  gveen  in  their  memo- 
ries. These  people,  with  these  impressions,  are 
now  looking  and  reading  about  Oregon,  and  are 
auietly  and  firmly  forming  their  resolves  upon 
tne  subject.  54^  40'  arc  chalked  upon  doors  and 
windows,  and  upon  walls,  pillar  and  post,  every- 
where— 54°  40'  are  words,  which  are  making 
their  way  into  rhyme  or  metre — and  before  the 
summer  is  over,  54°  40'  are  appellations  which 
will  bo  given  to  favorite  objects,  and  by  many, 
bestowed  as  names,  upon  their  children.  The 
signs  of  the  times  are  ominous,  and  are  fast  thick- 
ening around  us;  and  let  those  who  can  read,  read 
and  understand  them.  These  people  are  in  no 
temper  for  unjust  concessions,  in  the  form  of  com- 
promises. 

Is  there,  sir,  a  man  in  America,  of  any  party  or 
of  any  sect,  that  would  not  sooner  fight  Gfreat 
Britain  to-morrow,  than  yield  up  any  part  of  Ore- 
gon, south  of  49°?  In  support  of  our  title,  up  to 
that  line,  and  for  everything  south  of  it,  we  should 
find  even  our  duaker  friends  in  uniform,  with 
arms  in  theii  hands,  crying  aloud,  in  the  high- 
ways and  by-ways,  "  To  your  tents,  O  Israel !" 

Sir,  quite  recently,  we  had,  upon  the  subject  of 
this  notice,  a  proposition  from  the  Senator  from 
Maryland,  [Mr.  Johnson,]  which  I  believe  has 
not  oeen  printed,  and  of  which,  therefore,  I  shall 
have  to  speak  from  memory.  If  I  caught  its  mean- 
ing correctly,  when  read  by  our  Secretary,  this 
proposition  is  intended  to  restore  the  original  prop- 
osition of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  with  the 
slight  modification  of  striking  from  it  the  words, 
"  the  end  of  the  present  session  of  Congress,"  at 
which  time  the  President,  in  his  discretion,  is  to 
give  the  notice;  and  to  insert,  in  lieu  of  the  words 
stricken  out,  "  the  first  of  June."  If  I  be  right 
in  supposiiig  that  this  is  '  'y  alteration,  I  have 
nothing  to  say  upon  a  pi  nich,  to  my  mind, 

is  so  entirely  immaterial.  i,  for  the  same  rea- 

son, I  shall  pass  over,  without  observation,  the 
E reposition  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  [Mr. 
pREESE,]  which,  at  best,  is  only  designed  to  cor- 
rect a  verbal  omission. 

Thus  far,  sir,  I  have  attempted  to  detail  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Senate,  in  their  preliminary  efforts, 
upon  the  question  of  notice;  and,  that  my  narrative 
may  be  complete,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to 
detain  the  Senate,  on  this  branch  of  the  inquiry, 
for  a  moment  longer. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  after  full  de- 
bate, long  deliberation,  and,  I  will  add,  able  and 
searching  investigation,  this  measure  of  notice,  to 
annul  the  conventions  of  1818  and  1827,  has 
passed,  and  has  been  sent  to  the  Senate  for  its 
concurrence.  The  first  resolution  of  the  House 
is  essentially  the  same  as  that  reported  by  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  of  the  Senate. 
In  substance,  these  two  resolutions  are  identical; 
and  whilst  I  prefer  the  resolution  of  the  Senate, 
on  account  of  what  I  regard  as  the  better  phraseol- 
ogy, I  am  yet  willing  to  save  time,  ana,  out  of 
deference  to  the  action  of  the  House,  to  give  up 


my  preference  for  the  one,  and  vote  for  the  other. 
To  this  fir.st  resolution  of  the  House  there  is  an- 
other, disclaiming  all  intention  to  interfere  with 
negotiation-^.  This  latter  resolution  I  dislike,  and 
think  it  entirely  out  of  place;  and  yet  I  am  willing 
to  let  it  stand,  if  any  gentleman  desires  it. 

Sir,  I  am  not  trained  in  the  language  of  eulogy; 
compliments  from  me  are  mre  and  generally  re- 
stricted, and  on  that  account,  and  on  that  account 
only,  should  be  appreciated.  I  cannot  forbear,  on 
this  occasion,  however  much  as  it  may  seem  to  be 
out  of  my  element,  to  say  to  that  House,  that,  in 
passing  this  notice,  you  have  faithfully  responded 
to  the  Message  of  your  President;  you  have  faith- 
fully reflected  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  your 
constituents;  and,  what  is  better  than  either,  in 
the  fear  of  the  timid,  and  amid  the  terrifying  cries 
of  war,  you  have  manfully  sustained  and  upheld 
the  interest  and  honor  of  your  country.  And  God 
grant  that  this  Senate  may  have  the  wisdom  and 
the  courage  to  imitate  your  example. 

Sir,  shall  we  pass  this  notice?  Shall  the  Presi- 
dent be  sustained  by  us  in  his  recommendation,  as 
he  has  been  by  the  House  of  Representatives? 
Shall  the  people  of  these  States  be  gratified  in  this 
particular?  Shall  we  pass  the  notice  and  nothing 
more,  or  shall  we  have  a  sort  of  half  and  half 
qualified  affair'  Or  shall  we,  after  all  our  parade — 
after  exciting  hopes  at  home,  and  attracting  the 
attention  of  all  Europe,  whose  eyes  are  yet  upon 
us — quietly  adjourn  and  go  home,  and  do  nothing, 
leaving  this  Oregon  question,  where  it  has  been  for 
about  thirty  years,  an  unsettled  matter  of  constant 
irritation,  beneficial  only  to  Great  Britain,  and 
daily  becoming  more  and  more  difficult  of  settle- 
ment, by  our  unwise  delays  ?  These  are  questions 
well  worthy  the  grave  answer  of  an  American 
Senate. 

Sir,  some  Senators  are  opposed  to  this  notice  in 
any  form,  and  have  kindly  favored  the  Senate 
with  their  reasons  for  their  opposition.  They  are 
against  it,  because  they  think  it  unnecessary  for 
the  purposes  of  negotiation;  and  if  wanted  for  any 
other  purpose  than  negotiation,  they  are  unwilling 
to  give  it.  The  President  informs  us,  in  the  pro- 
gress of  his  negotiation,  he  finds  this  convention, 
for  the  abrogation  of  which  this  notice  is  intended, 
an  impediment  in  his  way,  and  desires  Congress  to 
remove  it.  He  has  told  us  what  he  has  done,  and, 
this  convention  out  of  his  way,  what  he  hopes  yet 
to  be  able  to  do.  We  all  know  that  so  long  as  this 
convention  continues  in  force.  Great  Britain  can 
have  no  motive  for  settling  this  dispute.  By  the 
terms  of  this  convention  she  has,  practically,  the 
possession  of  the  whole  of  Oregon.  She  can  never 
get  more,  and  by  any  negotiation  she  must  lose 
something;  and  knowing  this,  what  inducement 
can  she  have  for  a  settlement  of  this  question.' 
What  has  been  her  past  policy  upon  this  subject  ? 
Whenever  this  question  has  been  up  before  Con- 
gress and  pressed  for  a  decision,  she  immediately 
begins  to  talk  of  negotiation ;  and  upon  this  being 
intimated  to  us,  we,  credulous  and  confiding  souls, 
stop  our  proceedings,  and  wait  for  negotiation. 
But,  sir,  so  soon  as  we  cease  to  talk  about  Oregon, 
Great  Britain  ceases  to  negotiate;  and  this  is  the 
game  we  have  had  played  upon  us  for  several 
yeare.  ...     ,. 


I 


9 


r  the  other, 
tlicre  is  an- 
terfore  with 
dislike,  and 
[  am  willing 
I  it. 

3  of  eulogy; 
enerally  re- 
that  account 
t  forbear,  on 
rscetn  to  be 
use,  that,  in 
y responded 

I  have  faith- 
les  of  your 
n  either,  in 
•ifying  cries 
and  upheld 
.  And  God 
wisdom  and 

II  the  Presi- 
endation,  as 
esentatives  .* 
tified  in  this 
and  nothing 
df  and  half 
ur  parade — 
;tracting  the 
re  yet  upon 
do  nothing, 
has  been  for 
•  of  constant 
Britain,  and 
lit  of  settle- 
ire  questions 
n  American 

lis  notice  in 
the  Senate 
They  are 
ecessary  for 
ited  for  any 
•e  unwilling 
in  the  pro- 
convention, 
is  intended, 
Congress  to 

done,  and, 
e  hopes  yet 
long  as  this 
Britain  can 
te.  By  the 
:tically,  the 
e  can  never 
;  must  lose 
inducement 
s  question? 
his  subject .' 
jefore  Con- 
mmediately 

this  being 
iding  souls, 
legotiation. 
out  Oregon, 

this  is  the 

for  several 


Lord  Ashburton  was  autliorized  to  negotiate 
this  question,  and  yet  he  evaded  it — said 


upon 


nothing  about  it.  And  now,  sir,  when  we  are 
pressing  the  settlement  of  this  question,  for  the 
third  or  fourth  time  in  Congress,  we  are  told,  as 
usual,  to  wait  a  little  longer,  and  leave  it  to  be  ad- 
justed by  negotiation.  How  long,  sir,  is  our  pa- 
tience to  be  abused.'  How  long,  sir,  are  we  to  be 
tried  with  by  such  insincerity,  by  such  hypocriti- 
c^  professions .'  Is  this  question  never  to  be  set- 
tled? It  will  never  be  settled,  until  Great  Britain 
shall  be  induced  to  believe  that  it  is  our  intention 
to  change  the  state  of  this  question,  and  that  we 
are,  at  last,  resolved  to  have  it  settled  in  some  way. 
Let  us  nullify  this  convention;  let  us  restore  our- 
selves to  the  possession  of  the  valley  of  the  Colum- 
bia river,  as  we  had  it  in  1818;  let  us  plant  our 
citizens  there,  make  them  freeholders  there,  and 
extend  to  them  the  benefits  of  our  laws,  and  secure 
the  friendship  of  the  natives  by  just  and  liberal 
treaties;  and  last,  though  not  least,  let  us  defend 
and  protect  them,  by  the  power  and  force  of  our 
army  and  navy.  This  protection,  every  citizen  of 
this  Republic,  nowever  humble,  or  however  remote 
from  this  capital,  has  a  right  to  claim  at  the  hands 
of  this  Government;  and  that  protection,  I  hope, 
he  will  never  invoke  in  vain.  Let  these  things  be 
done,  and  then,  sir,  if  Great  Britain  desires  to  ne- 
gotiate for  the  country  north  of  the  valley,  we  will 
think  of  it.  All  of  these  things  we  can  lawfully 
do  when  this  convention  is  abrogated,  and  it  may 
be  doubted  if  we  can  do  them  before. 

The  President  doubtless  thinks  that  this  step 
will  facilitate  (and  probably  by  negotiation)  the  set- 
tlement of  this  question.  But  should  he  be  mis- 
taken in  this,  he  then  tells  us  that  it  is  our  duty  to 
assert  our  rights,  and  prepare  manfully  to  maintain 
them.  But  the  assertion  of  our  rights,  and  above 
all,  the  preparation  manfully  to  defend  them,  are 
the  very  things  which  these  gentlemen  don't  want 
to  do. 

If  these  gentlemen  can  get  Oregon,  the  whole 
or  a  part  of  it,  peaceably  and  without  a  fight,  they, 
in  their  generosity,  are  now  willing  to  accept  it. 
Time  was,  sir,  when  some  of  those  gentlemen 
were  unwilling  to  have  Oregon,  on  any  terms, 
peaceably  and  without  a  fight.  Their  speeches 
and  their  votes  in  1840,  1841,  1842,  1843,  and  in 
1844,  will  throw  a  flood  of  light  upon  their  past 
policy  in  relation  to  this  subject.  And  I  invite 
Senators,  on  some  rainy  day,  when  they  can't  go 
out,  and  have  nothing  else  to  do,  to  look  over  those 
speeches  and  those  votes.  These  Senators  then 
thought  tiiat  on  some  lofty  peak  of  the  Stony 
mountains,  and  fronting  the  East,  the  god  Termi- 
nus, of  this  Republic,  should  be  placed,  and  that 
all  west,  or  behind  him,  should  be  given  up  to 
others.  They  then  thought  our  territorial  posses- 
sions were  already  too  widely  extended  for  the 
hfurmony  and  safety  of  the  American  Union,  or 
for  the  improvement  of  our  people  or  their  coun- 
try in  mind  or  morals,  wealth,  resources,  or  com- 
forts. They  told  us,  on  those  occasions,  some- 
thing respecting  the  effects  of  the  loss  of  population 
and  capital  upon  the  value  of  lands  and  property 
in  the  good  old  "Thirteen;"  and  of  the  ruinous 
effects  upon  workshops  and  manufactures  by  the 
destruction  of  competition,  and  the  enhancement 


of  the  value  of  labor,  resulting  from  this  process 
of  emigration.  We  were  favored  with  touching 
predictions  as  to  the  fate  of  the  poor  Indians,  now 
quiet  and  happy  in  the  still  and  gloomy  forests  of 
Oregon,  undisturbed  in  their  wigwams  and  hunt- 
ing grounds  by  the  woodman's  axe,  or  startled  by 
the  sound  of  an  American  rifle.  Oregon  they  de- 
scribed as  being  poorer  than  the  mountains  divi- 
ding Canada  ft-om  Maine,  which,  on  another  occa- 
sion, were  said  to  be  too  poor  to  furnish  subsistence 
even  for  Juvenal's  lizard.  It  was  described  as  a 
country  entirely  unfit  for  cultivation,  and  fit  only 
for  a  grand  hunting  ground,  or  a  place  most  suit- 
able for  a  sour,  bilious,  ill-natured  Englishman  to 
blow  out  his  brains  in.  They  then  told  us — and 
so  far  as  British  periodicals  and  British  magazines 
could  prove  anything,  they  proved  it,  too — that 
England  did  not  want  Oregon  for  colonization,  or 
for  any  other  purnose  than  a  hunting  e'round;  and 
that  as  soon  as  tne  game  in  it  was  destroyed,  it 
would  be  voluntarily  abandoned  ;  that  New  Zea- 
land and  New  Holland,  and  other  vacant  fields, 
within  her  control,  were  ftir  more  eligible  for  colo- 
nization. Sir,  they  were  eloquent  upon  all  these 
interesting  themes.  But  now,  sir,  most  happily 
for  us,  in  this  day  of  this  great  Republic,  we  hear 
nothing  of  those  old  objections  against  Oregon. 
Those  objections  are  allowed  to  sleep  quietly  with 
the  things  that  were,  and  we  never  shall  hear  of 
them  again,  until  California  and  all  Mexico  shall 
knock  at  our  door  for  admission.  They  will  then 
reappear,  in  the  shape  of  new  additions,  and  be 
again,  for  our  edification,  rehearsed  in  this  cham- 
ber. 

Texas,  sir,  Texas  has  settled  and  exploded,  for 
the  present,  all  those  old-fashioned,  but  beautiful 
theories.  Texas  has  done  Oregon  this  much  good, 
if  she  never  does  any  other.  These  gentlemen  are 
now  willing  to  accept  of  Oregon,  or  a  part  of  Ore- 
gon, provided  it  can  be  had  by  negotiation  and 
without  a  fight.  But  they  tell  us,  and  at  the  same 
time  Great  Britain,  with  commendable  frankness 
and  candor,  that  they  will  not  fight  for  Oregon.  Oh, 
no,  sir;  not  for  the  world.  Fighting,  they  think, 
a  terrible  business.  They  tell  us  a  war  with  Great 
Britain  would  ruin  our  commerce,  and  cut  off  our 
comforts  and  supplies;  that  it  would  stop  our  im- 
provements in  steam  and  in  thunder  and  lightning; 
and  that,  to  carry  it  on  successfully,  it  would  re- 
quire seven  armies  and  two  navies  ;  it  would  re- 
vive the  paper  currency,  of  which  we  have  just  gqt 
clear,  and,  at  the  end  of  ten  years,  (the  period  this 
war  is  to  last,)  leave  us  five  hundred  millions  in 
debt.  Nor  is  this  all;  we  are  to  have  upon  our 
hands,  at  the  same  time,  they  tell  us,  a  war  with 
Mexico  and  our  Indian  tribes,  with  the  opinions 
of  all  Europe  against  us;  and,  at  the  end  of  it,  a 
civil  war,  conducted  by  rival  generals;  and  that 
one  of  them,  in  tne  subjugation  of  the  others  is  to 
succeed  in  overthrowing  tne  liberties  of  the  coun- 
try, by  trampling  our  Constitution  under  his  feet, 
and  seating  himself  in  our  Executive  mansion, 
"every  inch  a  king."  And  when,  and  under 
what  circumstances,  Mr.  President,  is  this  gloomy 
prediction  promulgated?  In  the  chamber  of  the 
Senate,  in  open  day,  before  the  world,  in  the  pres 
ence  of  our  adversary,  and  in  the  face  of  the  pic- 
ture of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  which  hangs 


I 

I  i 


1  i 


over  you;  and  that,  too,  pending  our  controversy 
with  Great  Britain  about  the  Oregon  territory. 
Strone  reasons,  indeed,  are  these,  my  countrymen, 
to  induce  Great  Britain  to  negotiate.  Nor  are 
these  the  only  ones  with  which  we  have  l)een  fa- 
vored ill  furtherance  of  negotiation.  With  a  sort, 
of  mock  gravity,  they  remind  Mr.  Pakenham,  the 
British  Minister,  that  Great  Britain,  like  the  Uni- 
ted States,  is  a  religious  nation;  they  tell  him  it  is 
n  breach  of  one  of  the  holy  commandments  to  covet 
thy  neighbor's  goods  or  lands,  and  that  it  is  a  sin 
to  steal  either;  and  therefore,  for  the  salvation  of 
his  soul,  for  the  love  of  God,  and  out  of  mercy  to 
this  country,  which  cannot,  under  any  circum- 
stances, fight  Great  Britain,  they  beg  of  him  to 
think  of  these  things,  and  negotiate.  They  remind 
Mr.  Pakenham  that  we  arc  of  the  English  stock, 
and  that,  unlike  many  of  our  countrymen  who  are 
abroad  for  six  months,  we  have  not  forgotten,  but 
still,  on  ordinary  occasions,  at  least,  speak  the 
English  language;  Great  Britain  is  our  dearly-be- 
loved grandmother:  and,  oh,  what  a  crying  shame, 
Mr.  Pakenham,  for  you  to  insist  upon  robbing 
your  ^rand  children  of  their  blessed  patrimony; 
but  still,  remember,  Mr.  Pakenham,  if  nothing 
else  will  do — if  you  are  inexorable  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  Oregon — if  robbing  is  your  determination — 
why,  in  the  name  of  your  flag,  th»  bloody  cross  of 
St.  George,  take  it,  for  we  will  not  fight  you  for  it. 

Sir,  these  honorable  Senators  will  not  vote  for 
this  notice,  because,  for  the  reasons  I  have  noticed, 
they  think  it  unnecessary  for  the  purpose  of  nego- 
tiation, and  aside  from  that  purpose,  it  looks  too 
warlike,  and  smells  too  strongly  of  gunpowder, 
for  their  approbation. 

Sir,  we  were  placed  in  the  possession  of  the  val- 
ley of  the  Columbia  by  Great  Britain  in  1818,  and  a 
few  days  after,  lost  the  exclusive  possession  of  that 
valley  by  negotiation:  we  think  it  necessary  to 
annul  this  convention  to  regain  that  exclusive  pos- 
session. To  this  possession  we  shall  be  entitled, 
whenever  this  convention  shall  be  removed  out  of 
our  way.  But,  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr. 
Evans]  inquires,  if  Great  Britain  will,  after  the 
abrogation  of  this  convention,  give  us  that  posses- 
sion ?  In  other  words,  will  Great  Britain  keep  her 
faith  and  comply  with  her  engagement  ?  He  thinks 
she  will  not;  and  it  may  be,  sir,  that  she  will  not; 
and  if  she  will  not,  the  sooner  we  know  it  the  bet- 
ter. A  bond,  we  know,  that  will  never  be  paid,  is 
wisely  disposed  of  when  flung  into  the  fire.  But 
time,  sir,  which  operates  upon  everything,  will  give 
us  light  upon  this  subject. 

Sir,  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Web- 
ster,] and  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
Calhouk,]  were  but  recently  our  Secretaries  in 
our  State  Department.  In  that  position  it  was  their 
duty  to  investigate  and  understand  this  Oregon 
question.  Both  of  these  gentlemen  have  mmd 
enough  to  investigate  and  understand  any  question. 
Both  are  presumed  to  be,  and  doubtless  are,  familiar 
with  it,  in  all  its  bearings.  And  yet,  in  this  chamber 
as  Senators,  accustomed  as  they  are  to  take  the 
lead  upon  all  great  questions  of  public  policy,  they 
publicly  declined  to  discuss  our ^ti tie  to  Oregon. 
The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  told  us,  in 
his  usually  emphatic  manner,  that  he  would  rather 
have  his  tongue  blistered,  than  to  discuss  tliis  title 


pending  this  controversy;  and  the  Senator  from 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Calhoun]  declines  to  dis- 
cuss our  title,  because  he  deems  it  indelicate  in 
reference  to  his  position.  King  Richard,  I  think 
it  was,  sir,  told  nis  minister,  his  cousin  of  Buck- 
ingham, not  to  say  it,  but  strongly  to  infer  the 
bastardy  of  Edward's  children. 

These  Senators,  sir,  decline  the  discussion  of 
our  title  to  Oregon,  not  for  the  reason  assigned  by 
the  Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Allen,]  that  the 
ti-^e  for  such  service  had  passed,  nor  tnat  it  was 
premature  or  inappropriate  to  the  subject-matter 
of  our  deliberations.  However  laudable  may  be 
the  motives  for  their  silence,  however  satisfactory 
to  them,  yet  it  strikes  me  that  their  silence  upon 
this  branch  of  our  inquiry  has  thrown  more 
doubts  upon  our  title  to  Oregon,  than  all  that  has 
been  said  or  written  against  that  title,  on  this  or 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  The  manner  of  de- 
clining this  discussion,  by  Senators  of  their  high 
and  commanding  talents,  and  but  recently  so  inti- 
mately connected  with  it  officially,  has  done  more 
to  undermine,  overthrow,  and  destroy  our  title  to 
this  country,  and  to  bolster  up,  strengthen,  and 
sustain  the  extravagant  pretensions  of  Great  Brit- 
ain to  it,  than  anything,  with  that  view,  I  have 
heard  in  this  Chamber,  or  read  of  elsewhere.  It 
is  not  for  me,  sir,  to  indicate  the  course  of  duty  to 
those  Senators;  they  will  judge  of  that  for  them- 
selves. But,  still,  I  will  say,  that  it  strikes  me,  from 
the  great  confidence  the  public  have  in  their  opin- 
ions, from  their  late  prominent  and  present  respon- 
sible connexion  with  this  subject,  that  they  owe  it 
to  the  country,  as  well  as  to  themselves,  to  speak 
out,  and  tell  us  whether  our  title  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon,  or  only  to  a  part  of  it,  or  to  any  part  of 
it,  is  ill-founded.  The  American  people  will  thank 
you.  Senators,  for  your  revelations  upon  this  ques- 
tion. The  American  people  are  just  and  generous, 
and  no  music  on  eartn  is  as  acceptable  to  them  as 
that  of  truth,  uttered  in  the  spirit  of  frankness  and 
candor.  This  truth,  and  the  whole  of  it,  whatever 
it  may  be,  they  had  the  right  to  expect  from  their 
distinguished  Senators.  They  detest  mystery  and 
concealment  upon  great  questions  ofpublic  policy. 
They  want  nothing  but  tlieir  own.  Convince  them 
that  their  claim  to  Oregon,  or  any  part  of  it,  is  ill- 
founded,  and  they  will  be  the  first,  like  honest 
men,  promptly,  instantly,  in  the  face  of  the  world, 
and  after  all  that  has  occurred,  to  give  it  up  to 
Great  Britain,  and  even  to  apoloj»;ize,  upon  such 
conviction,  to  that  Power,  for  having  unwittingly 
given  her  so  much  trouble  about  it.  These  Sen- 
ators owe  it  to  the  country,  to  quiet  the  public 
mind  upon  this  exciting  question,  by  enlightening 
that  public  mind,  by  upsetting  (not  their  own,  for 
that,  indeed,  would  be  indelicate)  the  arguments 
in  support  of  our  title  to  Oregon,  which  have  been 
urged  with  so  much  force  by  our  present  able  and 
distinguished  Secretary  'of  State,  and  by  others 
who  have  preceded  or  followed  him  in  this  achieve- 
ment. In  the  event  of  a  collision  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, upon  the  subject  of  Oregon,  which  I  have 
thought,  and  still  think,  not  unlikely,  is  it  not 
something,  Senators,  to  have  a  quiet  conscience, 
and  to  feel  that  our  quarrel  is  just?    I  think  so. 

The  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  when  Secre- 
tary of  State,  conclusively  proved  our  title  up  to 


49 

th 

of 

w 
W 

of 
on 
ob 
inn 
to 

SU( 

<<( 


I 


1  Senator  from 
cclinea  to  dis- 
it  indelicate  in 
ichard,  I  think 
lusin  of  Buck- 
ly  to  infer  the 


J  discussion  of 
ion  asBifijned  by 
LEN.l  that  the 
nor  tnat  it  was 

subject-matter 
udablc  may  be 
ver  Hatisfactory 
3ir  silence  upon 

thrown  more 
an  all  that  has 
title,  on  this  or 
e  manner  of  de- 


•s 


of  their  high 


recently  so  inti- 
has  done  more 
roy  our  title  to 
itrengthen,  and 
i  of  Great  Brit- 
it  view,  I  have 
'  elsewhere.     It 
)urse  of  duty  to 
f  that  for  them- 
strikes  me,  from 
e  in  their  opin- 
present  respon- 
tnat  they  owe  it 
selves,  to  speak 
o  the  whole  of 
r  to  any  part  of 
pople  will  thank 
upon  this  ques- 
t  and  generous, 
able  to  them  as 
frankness  and 
of  it,  whatever 
sect  from  their 
St  mystery  and 
fpublic  policy. 
Convince  them 
lart  of  it,  is  ill- 
3t,  like  honest 
e  of  the  world, 
give  it  up  to 
ize,  upon  such 
ng  unwittingly 
These  Sen- 
ilet  the  public 
>y  enlightening 
their  own,  for 
the  arguments 
~  ich  have  been 
esent  able  and 
nd  by  others 
n  this  achieve- 
lith  Great  Brit- 
which  I  have 
ely,  is  it  not 
et  conscience, 
I  think  so. 
,  when  Secre- 
ur  title  up  to 


49°,  and  adds  in  one  of  his  able  State  papers, 
thiu  the  United  States  have  a  claim  to  the  balnnco 
of  Oregon  which  lies  north  of  that  parallel.  And 
what  kind  of  claim  is  this  which  lies  north  of  49°.' 
What  docs  he  think  of  it?  In  defending  his  policy 
of '•  masterly  inactivity,"  he  justified  that  policy 
on  tiie  ground  that  by  it,  in  a  ^ew  years,  we  should 
obtain  the  whole  of  Oregon.  Did  he  want,  •'  by 
inactivity,"  the  whole  of  Oregon,  if  we  had  no  title 
to  it.'  I  should  think  not;  and  if  he  did,  upon 
such  principles  as  these,  1  did  not  and  do  not. 
"Give  unto  Cresar  tb  things  that  are  Ctiesar's" 
I  have  ever  considered,  if  not  a  wise,  at  least  an 
honest  motto. 

But,  sir,  those  Senators  who  at  one  time  were 
against  notice  in  any  form,  are  now  willing  to  go 
for  a  modified  notice — a  notice  coupled  with  direc- 
tions to  the  President  to  settle  this  matter  by  nego- 
tiation, on  the  principles  of  compromise.  They 
justify  themselves  for  this  advance  movement, 
slight  as  it  is,  on  the  ground  that  things  have 
changed ,  and  now  wear  a  more  placid  aspect.  Sir, 
anxiously  hoping,  and,  I  may  add,  anxiously  look- 
ing for  such  change,  I  must  say  I  have  not  seen 
any  change,  but  in  the  Senators  themselves.  Ac- 
cording to  my  vision,  things  are  now  as  they  were 
at  the  beginning  of  this  session.  Has  anything 
arrived  from  England  since  the  Cambria  sailed  ? 
And  who  that  was  here  can  have  forgotten  the  oc- 
'  currences  in  the  Senate  on  the  Thursday  preceding 
the  sailing  of  that  vessel  ?  The  Senate,  sir,  on  that 
memorable  day,  was  in  a  fearful  panic.  On  that 
!  occasion  we  had  a  sort  of  Senatorial  ^*  stampede." 
It  was  contagious.  I  became  myself  most  terribly 
.  frightened.  I  thought  quickly.  A  thousand  things 
came  into  my  mind  in  a  moment.  I  thought  of 
Bladensburg — of  Tenneley town — of  our  Capitol  in 
'  flames — that  he  British  were  upop  us  indeed,  and 
was  very  nearly  taking  to  my  neels.  But,  sir,  I 
'oolc^d  over  my  shoulder,  and  saw  the  Senator  from 
Missouri,  of  whom  it  maybe  said,  as  it  was  of 
Ciiesar,  "he  is  the  twin  brother  of  danger — and  of 
the  two,  the  elder  and  more  terrible," — I  saw  him 
^•eading  his  documents,  quiet  and  calm  as  a  sum- 
mer's morn,  and  concluded  to  stand  by  him — and 
•  did  so,  and  voted  with  him  for  an  adjournment,  to 
prevent  the  vote  upon  the  resolution,  which  it  was 
the  object  of  some  Senators  to  take,  with  the  view 
of  sending  it  out  by  the  Cambria  as  a  peace-offer- 
iing  to  England.  Our  adjournment,  sir,  prevented 
*this  vote.  Since  that  day  I  have  eeen  a  change, 
iiot  in  the  question,  but  from  childish  terrors  to 
;Jnanly  soberness  and  firmness.  True,  sir,  we  had 
-jBne  little  panic  since,  and  that  occurred  yesterday. 
This  panic  was  produced  by  the  President's  mes- 
Ibge,  in  reply  to  one  of  our  own  resolutions,  upon 
tf  subject  which  we  had  had  before  us  for  months, 
and  on  which  the  Senate  had  partially  acted.  This, 
however,  was  but  a  small  afiTair,  and  did  not  fright- 
en us  very  long. 

Sir,  if  some  Senators  have  been  silent  upon  the 
fubject  of  our  title  to  Oregon,  others  have  not. 
^They  have  discussed  this  title,  and  have  taken 
pound  against  it,  with  an  ability  and  zeal  unequal- 
led by  anything  I  have  yet  seen  emanating  from 
;the  pen  of  the  British  Minister,  ably  as  he  has 
controverted  our  claim.  They  make  but  short 
i^ork  of  the  discoveries  of  Gray;  they  pass  quite 


lightly  over  the  exploration  of  Lewis  and  Clai]  ", 
and  almost  ridicule  our  Spanish  title;  they,  i.idecd, 
seem  to  think  that  we  nave  a  sort  of  a  claim, 
arrising  from  our  treaty  of  18()3  with  the  French 
Republic,  which  takes  us  to  the  mountains,  and 
then  to  the  Pacific,  on  the  principio  of  contif!:uity. 
They  tell  us  that  the  Nootka  convention  conferred 
no  rights  upon  Great  Britain,  and  that  that  conven- 
tion only  acknowledp;ed  rights  previously  existing. 
And  what  are  these?  To  fisli  on  the  coast,  to 
trade  with  the  natives,  and  make  settlements,  in- 
terfering with  no  other — in  a  country  whidi  had 
been  discovered  and  claimed  by  Spain  for  centu- 
ries before.  These  are  the  rights,  they  tell  us,  not 
obtained,  but  acknowledged  to  exist,  by  the  Noot- 
ka convention.  Has  Great  Britain,  in  a  similar 
case,  ever  acknowledged  such  rights  to  exist  against 
her  claims  and  her  discoveries  ?  Never,  never,  sir! 
Has  Great  Britain  ever  claimed,  or  attempted  to 
exercise,  such  aclaim  as  this  upon  the  United  States? 
I  think  not.  We  own  an  extensive  country, 
stretching  from  Canada  to  the  Rocky  mountains. 
We  own  an  extensive  country,  some  five  or  six 
hundred  miles  wide,  brtwcen  the  western  limits  of 
our  States  and  those  mountains,  inhabited  only  by 
Indians,  and  in  which  there  arc  lakes  and  rivers, 
and  fish  and  game,  and  places  for  settlement,  that 
would  interfere  with  no  settlements  of  civilized 
man,  and  yet,  in  any  part  of  this  country,  for  any 
purpose  whatever,  we  have  never  allowed  the  foot 
of  an  Tlr.  lishman  to  make  a  track.  Nor  has  any 
Englishir;i'.  ever  yet  claimed,  or  had  the  insolence 
ever  to  dream  that  he  had  the  right  to  claim,  the 
privilege  of  trading,  or  fishing,  or  settling,  for 
such  purpn<5Rs,  anywhere  within  our  limits.  I 
doubt,  sir,  if  England  ever  claimed,  or  enforced 
such  a  claim,  upon  any  other  Power  than  Spain, 
or  upon  one  as  feeble  and  as  unable  as  she  was,  to 
defend  her  rights.  Confident  do  I  feel,  sir,  that  no 
such  claim  as  this  would  ever  have  been  preferred 
by  Great  Britain  in  the  better  days  of  the  Spanish 
Monarchy — in  the  days  of  Ferdinand,  or  Charles, 
or  Philip.  But,  sir,  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  go 
into  a  discussion  of  our  title  to  Oregon.  That 
labor  I  have  attempted  on  a  former  occasion;  and 
if  I  had  not,  I  would  not,  by  my  efibrts,  weaken 
the  unanswerable  arguments  of  those  who  have 
preceded  me  in  this  debate.  I  would  not,  after  the 
able  statements  of  our  case  by  our  late  and  present 
Secretary  of  State.  I  am  willing  to  rest  our  title 
upon  these  statements  of  that  title. 

But,  sir,  under  the  treaty  of  1818,  which  it  is  the 
object  of  this  notice  to  abrogate,  and  which  was 
afterwards  extended  for  an  indefinite  period  by  the 
treaty  of  1827, 1  admit  that  Great  Britain  has  rights 
in  Oregon.  She  has  the  rights,  in  the  first  place, 
which  that  treaty  confers.  Rights  so  long  held 
and  enjoyed  have  assumed ,  in  some  instances  to 
some  extent,  the  character  of  permanent  ones. 
These  rights  have  assumed  this  complexion,  (from 
whatever  cause,  it  may  now  be  needless  to  inquire,) 
growing  out  of  the  latches,  or  ne,^lect,  of  Spain,  in 
the  first  instance,  and  since  by  the  United  States. 
The  subjects  of  Great  Britain — the  servants  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company — have  been  permitted, 
without  intermption,  to  occupy  the  valleys  of  Fra- 
zer's  river  for  about  forty  years.  Those  people  in 
that  valley  have  a  sort  of  squatter's  title,  origi- 


-^^■'^m. 


10 


1    I 


1 


1 


w 

:  1 


natlng  in  trespasses,  and  still  without  law;  yet  I 
would  respect  that  title,  which,  in  the  new  States, 
is  understood  to  mean  something.  In  that  valley 
they  are  out  of  our  way,  and  while  there,  can  never 
be  m  our  way.  They  are  beyond  49°.  I  am  wil- 
ling, sir,  out  of  a  spirit  of  generosity,  (for  I  should 
so  regard  such  concession,)  and  for  the  sake  of 
peace  and  a  speedy  settlement  of  this  difficulty, 
that  the  President  may  provide  for  these  people 
upon  the  principles  of  equity  and  justice,  and  deal 
liberally  towards  them,  and  give  them  the  fbllest 
justice.  How  he  shall  do  this  I  shall  not  stop  to 
inquire.  When  he  shall  act  upon  this  subject,  I 
will  sec  what  he  has  done,  and  approve  of  it  if  I 
can.  I  will  not  stop  to  inquire  whether  this  shall 
be  done  by  a  cession  of  that  country  to  Great  Brit- 
ain, or  by  paying  these  people  for  t>.t  ir  patches  and 
shanties,  as  we  have  done  to  the  Pottawatomies, 
the  Wyandots,  and  other  savages,  or  by  granting 
them  reservations  and  citizenship;  where,  however 
hopeless  the  task,  we  may  have  the  opportunity 
to  try  and  do  something  for  them.  I  leave  all  these 
things  to  the  better  judgment  of  the  President, 
which  I  shall  approve  or  not  when  his  act  in  this 
respect  shall  be  laid  before  me.  And  in  doing  this, 
sir,  I  do  not  find  it  necessary  to  disparage  our  title 
to  Oregon.  We  can  do  this,  and  at  the  same  time 
believe  that  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  ia  un- 
questionable. We  gave  up,  without  complaint,  a 
part  of  this  very  country  to  Russia.  We  gave  up, 
more  recently,  a  part  of  the  State  of  Maine  to  Great 
Britain,  and  for  that  surrender  of  a  part  of  Maine, 
in  company  with  all  New  England,  in  a  treaty 
made  by  a  New  England  Secretary  of  State,  I  voted. 
Yes,  sir,  I  am  one  of  the  sinners  that  did  that  deed, 
and  for  giving  that  vote  I  have  never  yet  felt  a 
blush  upon  my  cheek  or  a  thorn  in  my  pillow. 
This  treaty  was  made  by  the  assent  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  States  of  Maine  and  Massachu- 
setts, and  we  paid  in  money  to  Maine  and  Massa- 
chusetts what  they  deemed  a  fair  equivalent  for  the 
ceded  territory. 

The  Florida  treaty  was  a  treaty  of  acquisition  and 
**  mutilation."  Whilst  we  acquired  Florida,  and 
the  Spanish  title  to  the  northwest  coast  of  America, 
we  ceded,  by  this  treaty,  to  Spain,  a  part  of  our 
territory  lying  south  of  Red  river.  I  will  not  go 
into  the  extent  of  this  cession,  further  than  to  say, 
that  a  part  of  it  included  a  county  and  a  half  be- 
longing to  Arkansas:  I  mean,  sir,  the  county  of 
Miller,  and  half  of  the  county  of  Lafayette.  Sir, 
this  county  and  a  half  embraced  as  much  territory 
as  some  of  the  New  England  States.  These  coun- 
ties, under  another  name,  originally  constituting  a 
part  of  Missouri,  and  subsequently  forming  a  part 
of  Arkansas,  were  settled  at  an  early  day  by  native- 
born  citizens  of  the  United  States.  They  were  or- 
g;anized  counties,  in  which  we  had  our  courts  of  jus- 
tice, from  the  citizens  of  which  we  collected  taxes, 
and  from  which  we  had  representatives  in  our 
Legislature.  These  counties,  without  the  know- 
ledge of  Arkansas,  and  without  the  knowledge  of 
those  living  in  them,  were  ceded  away  to  his  Ma- 
jesty the  King  of  Spain,  without  even  the  decency 
of  a  guaranty  in  their  behalf  of  the  right  of  prop- 
erty and  the  liberty  of  conscience,  tiefore,  how- 
ever, the  boundary  line  cutting  them  off  from  their 
native  land  was  run,  and  the  country  formally  de< 


livered  over  to  Spain,  the  revolution  in  Mexico 
broke  out,  and  Spain  was  expelled  by  the  success 
of  that  rebellion  from  all  of  their  possessions  on 
this  continent,  except  the  strip  of  country  lying 
between  the  Sabine  and  Red  river,  into  which  a 
Mexican  soldier  never  marched,  and  of  course 
never  conquered.  During  the  pendency  of  this 
revolution,  our  citizens,  in  the  counties  of  Miller 
and  Lafayete  held  on  to  us,  and  we  to  them,  con- 
tinuing our  courts,  collecting  taxes,  enumerating 
them  on  our  census,  and  extending  to  them  the 
right  of  suffrage,  and  allowing  the  right  of  repre- 
sentation in  our  Legislature.  Thus  they  remained , 
when  in  1830  or  1831,  I  moved  a  resolution  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  requesting  the  Execu- 
tive to  repurchase  of  Spain  this  detached  remainder 
of  her  once  extensive  possessions  in  North  Amer- 
ica. My  resolution  was  debated  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  voted  down;  and  this  strip  of 
country,  which,  by  the  Florida  treaty,  we  nad 
transferred  to  Spain,  and  which  Mexico  never  con- 
quered or  invaded,  was,  by  this  Government,  un- 
necessarily transferred  to  Mexico.  At  that  time, 
sir,  it  could  have  been  had  of  Spain  for  the  asking; 
perhaps  for  six  shillings  and  ninepence.  Well, 
sir,  we  still  held  on  to  our  counties,  and  they  ad- 
hered to  us.  No  line  w«is  run  and  no  delivery 
made,  until  Mexico  and  Texas  got  into  their  trou- 
bles. In  that  contest,  neither  a  soldier  of  Texas 
or  Mexico  ever  entered  the  country  north  of  the 
Sabine.  But  in  1837,  we  acknowledged  the  in- 
dependence of  Texas,  and  afterwards,  in  1839, 
this  line,  designated  by  the  Florida  treaty,  was 
run,  for  the  first  time,  and  those  people  then 
formally  delivered  over  to  a  foreign  Power.  Here 
is  a  case,  a  strong  case,  of  a  mutilation  of  our  ter- 
ritory. And  yet  there  is  another.  The  western 
boundary  of  Arkansas  was  established,  I  think,  in 
1824.  That  boundary  commenced  forty  miles 
west  of  the  southwest  corner  of  the  State  of  Mis- 
souri, and  ran  due  south  to  Red  river.  This  line 
was  run  immediately  afterwards,  and  it  formed 
the  western  boundary  of  all  of  our  western  coun- 
ties, of  which -there  were  four  or  five.  In  1828, 
without  the  knowledge  of  Arkansas,  and  in  despite 
of  my  strenuous  efforts  to  prevent  it,  a  treaty  was 
made,  by  which  a  country  constituting  the  finest 
part  of  Arkansas,  forty  miles  wide,  and  about 
three  hundred  miles  long,  organized  into  counties, 
in  which  we  had  courts  of  justice,  tax  collectors, 
the  right  of  suffrage  and  representation  in  our 
Legislature,  was  ceded  away:  and  *o  whom  do 
you  suppose,  Mr.  President?  To  Indians — to  the 
Cherokees  and  Choctaws;  and  that,  too,  without 
the  decency  oi-dinarily  extended  to  Indians,  of 
paying  tliese  people  for  their  improvements,  from 
which,  it  was  stipulated,  they  were  to  be  expelled 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians.  Against  the  ratifica- 
tion of  this  treaty  tnere  was  the  voice  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Benton,]  and  a  few 
others,  only;  all  the  others,  with  u  full  knowledge 
of  all  the  facts,  (for  I  myself  had  taken  the  trouble 
to  lay  the  facts  before  the  Senate,)  voted  for  the 
ratification  of  this  treaty.  And  yet,  sir,  the  people 
of  Arkansas,  who  were  once  poetically  described 
by  an  eloquent  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
Choate,]  as  being  the  children  of  the  sun,  and 
partaking  largely  of  the  warmth  of  his  fires,  sub- 


I 


ble 


I 


I 


11 


on  in  Mexico 
by  the  success 
possessions  on 
country  lying 
•,  into  which  a 
and  of  course 
idency  of  this 
ities  of  Miller 
1  to  them,  con- 
i,  enumerating 
g;  to  them  the 
right  of  repre- 
they  remained, 
isolution  in  the 
ng  the  Execu- 
jhed  remainder 
[1  North  Amer- 
1  the  House  of 
nd  this  atrip  of 
reaty,  we  had 
ixico  never  con- 
overnment,  un- 
At  that  time, 
for  the  asking; 
epence.    Well, 
),  and  they  ad- 
ind  no  delivery 
into  their  trou- 
»ldier  of  Texas 
ry  north  of  the 
pledged  the  in- 
/ards,  in  1839, 
ida  treaty,  was 
se  people  then 
1  Power.    Here 
ation  of  our  ter- 
.    The  western 
hed,  I  think,  in 
ed   forty  miles 
e  State  of  Mis- 
ver.     This  line 
and  it  formed 
western  coun- 
five.     In  1828, 
3,  and  in  despite 
it,  a  treaty  was 
uting  the  finest 
ide,  and  about 
d  into  counties, 
tax  collectors, 
intation  in  our 
to  whom  do 
Indians — to  the 
it,  too,  without 
to   Indians,  of 
ovements,  from 
6  to  be  expelled 
inst  the  ratifica- 
)ice  of  the  Sen- 
»N,]  and  a  few 
full  knowledge 
ken  the  trouble 
,)  voted  for  the 
,  sir,  the  people 
ically  described 
ftchusetts,  [Mr. 
)f  the  sun,  and 
f  his  fires,  sub- 


mitted, without  rebellion  or  an  attempt  at  revolu- 
tion, to  those  high-handed  acts  of  injustice.  True, 
Bir,  they  complamed,  for  they  felt  this  wrong  most 
deeply. 

I  mention  these  things  only  to  show,  that  this 
Senate,  in  the  adjustment  of  boundary  lines,  have, 
in  more  instances  than  one,  ceded  away  a  part  of 
the  well-known  and  acknowledged  limits  of  the 
United  States:  never,  however,  lightly  or  with- 
out reluctance.  I  mention  the  instances  of  our  ces- 
sions to  Russia,  to  Great  Britain,  to  Spain,  and, 
lastly,  to  the  Indians,  as  precedents,  which  the 
United  States,  if  they  choose,  can  follow  on  the 
adjustment  of  this  Oregon  question,  should  it  be 
considered  wise,  under  all  the  circumstances,  so  to 
adjust  it.  And  I  mention  these  tnings  for  another 
purpose,  which  is,  to  show  that,  if  such  are  the 
views  of  any  Senator,  it  may  be  done,  without  the 
unnecessary  and  fruitless  labor  of  endeavoring  to 
disparage  our  title  to  any  part  of  Oregon. 

But  still,  sir,  honorable  Senators  will  not  vote 
for  this  notice,  because  it  may  lead  to  war.  And 
■o  it  may.  Not  necessarily,  for  we  have  the  treaty- 
right  to  give  this  notice.  But,  sir,  I  have  thought 
for  sometime  that  this  Oregon  difficulty  was  likely 
to  bring  a  war  upon  the  country.  I  am  no  panic- 
maker,  for  I  despise  them.  I  have  based  this  con- 
clusion upon  the  knowledge  of  my  countrymen  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  a  careful  perusal  of  all  the 
documents  upon  this  subject,  on  the  other.  The 
public  mind  in  this  country  is  too  intent  and  ear- 
nest upon  the  settlement  of  this  question  for  longer 
delay;  and,  from  all  that  I  can  see,  the  two  Gov- 
ernments appear  to  be  as  widely  apart  from  a  set- 
tlement as  ever.  We  have  offered,  in  the  spirit  of 
compromise,  49°  to  Great  Britain,  and  it  has  been 
"refused  by  the  British  Minister,  without  even  re- 
ferring that  offer  to  his  counti-y  for  consideration. 
Great  Britain  has  not  authorized  her  Minister  even 
to  discuss  our  title  to  the  country  north  of  49°. 
Great  Britain,  through  her  Minister,  has  offered 
to  settle  this  controversy  by  the  Columbia  river, 
as  the  boundary.  That  river,  as  a  boundary,  he 
tells  us  is  indispensable  to  Great  Britain,  and  that 
the  navigation  by  GreatBritain  of  that  river,  which, 
by  the  by,  in  its  present  condition  is  not  naviga- 
ble but  for  a  short  distance,  cannot  be  given  up. 
From  all  that  I  can  discover,  the  parties  stand 
firmly  and  stubbornly  planted  upon  their  respec- 

Sve  propositions, — no  symptoms  of  concession  on 
le  part  of  either, — our  Government,  claiming  all. 
But  offering  49°;  and  Great  Britain  refusing  even 
to  discuss  the  title  to  the  country  north  of  49°,  and 
linsisling  upon  the  river  for  the  boundary,  and  its 
ikee  navigation,  in  common  with  the  United  States. 
What  is  to  be  the  result?  Both  countries  excited 
ibout  it,  and  that  excitement  daily  increasing.  If 
|9ic  peace  of  the  two  countries  is  to  be  preserved, 
Aesc  arc  no  times  for  dilatory  pleas  or  frivolous 
delays.  If  the  peace  of  the  two  countries  is  to  be 
Preserved,  action,  prompt  action,  I  regard  as every- 
Hiing.  This  quesfion  must  be  settled  now,  before 
flie  summer  electic  -.s  are  over,  or  it  may  assume 
k  form  which  will  place  it  beyond  the  power  of 
lither  Government  to  settle  peaceably.  Let  this 
hotice  be  given. 

'    But  Senators  hesitate — they  cannot  vote  for  it, 
because  it  may  lead  to  war !    They  stop,  as  I  shall 


not,  to  in  quire  into  the  \  alue  of  Oregon .  They  ask 
us  if  Oregon  be  worth  a  war.  War  does  not  al- 
ways originate  in  the  standard-value  of  the  thing 
in  dispute.  Wars,  sometimes  the  most  bloody 
and  disastrous,  originate  in  trifling  causes.  Our 
fathers  fought  rather  than  pay  unjustly  a  few  cents 
a  pound  upon  tea;  they  fougnt,  for  the  unjust  im- 
pressment of  a  few  of  their  s  iamen.  They  con- 
sidered these  things,  though  small  in  themselves, 
as  involving  great  and  important  principles,  and 
hence  they  fought.  In  that  war  they  risked  and 
suffered  a  great  deal.  They  went  in  debt  in  carry- 
ing on  those  contests,  but  have  since  paid  that  dent 
entirely.  They  issued  paper  money,  but  have 
since  restored  the  constitutional  currency.  These 
things  they  did,  for  causes  less  valuable" than  Ore- 
gon. Are  we,  Senators,  the  legitimate  descendants 
of  those  fathers .'  Have  their  examples  of  devo- 
tion to  country,  of  courage,  energy,  suffering,  of 
self-denial,  hunger,  thirst,  and  exposure,  ceased  to 
influence  our  judgment,  or  to  animate  our  hearts  ? 
But,  by  a  war,  we  shall  lose  Oregon — it  will  be  hst 
sight  of  in  the  contest!  It  may  be  so;  it  may  be 
that  Great  Britain  is  too  powerful  for  the  United 
States,  and  that  by  a  war  we  shall  lose  Oregon. 
But  I  do  not  believe  it;  notwithstanding,  in  this  con- 
nexion, we  have  been  reminded  of  England's  thou- 
sand ships  of  war,  of  her  40,000  sailors,  and  of 
her  numerous  battalions,  which  are  said  to  be  bet- 
ter disciplined  and  more  efficient  than  any  other 
troops  the  world  ever  saw.  All  these  things  may 
be  so;  yet  they  have  no  terrors  for  this  country. 
As  Prince  Henry  said  of  Percy:  I  give  thee,  Eng- 
land, "all  the  odds  of  thy  great  name  and  esti- 
mation," and  yet  we  fear  thee  not;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  view  thee  as  a  Power,  if  need  be,  the 
more  worthy  of  the  manly  energies,  courage,  and 
arms  of  this  young  Republic.  Oregon  to  be  lost 
by  a  war !  Sir,  in  ninety  days  we  are  capable,  in 
a  contest  like  this,  where  the  hearts  of  the  peo- 
ple are  with  us,  to  raise  an  army  as  numerous, 
though  not  so  well  disciplined,  equally  as  efficient, 
as  that  led  by  the  Great  Emperor  into  Moscow — 
for,  in  this  country,  arms  constitute  a  part  of  every 
gentleman's  wardrobe,  and  guns  are  the  playthings 
of  our  children.  Yet,  after  all,  upon  our  own  soil, 
and  in  so  just  a  cause,  we  may  be  vanquished.  If 
we  are,  I  trust  tliat,  like  the  gallant  Francis,  when 
he  lost  Pavia,  after  doing  all  ne  could  to  prevent  it, 
we  shall  have  at  the  end  of  this  contest  the  conso- 
lation to  ffeel  that  we  have,  at  least,  preserved  our 
honor.  But,  sir,  however  honorably  it  may  ter- 
minate to  the  inteiest  or  fame  of  this  country,  I 
want  no  war,  if  it  can  be  avoided  on  honorable 
terms.  War,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  is  an  inconve- 
nience, and  particularly  so  at  tl)is  time  to  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

But  rather  than  settle  the  Oregon  difficulty  on 
any  other  than  honorable  terms,  that  inconvenience 
this  country  will  readily  encounter.  This  notice 
will  not  make  this  war — it  may  prevent  it.  Let  it 
be  passed,  and  confide  this  diflicu'ty  to  the  Pres- 
ident. Is  he  not  worthy  of  our  confidence  ?  Is 
he  capable  of  deceiving  us,  or  at  all  disposed  to 
involve  this  country  in  an  unjust  war? 

Sir,  I  am  no  flatterer  of  the  President;  I  hope, 
without  such  imputation,  I  may  be  permitted  to 
say,  that,  confiding  in  his  political  opinions  and 


9 


12 


¥ 


III 


1 


.( 


li 


1  i 


■• 


ability,  and  firmness  and  honesty,  I  voted  to  place 
him  in  his  present  elevaied  position.  I  have  not 
yet  had  occasion  to  regret  that  vote,  and  have  no 
reason  to  believe  I  ever  shall.  We  have  all  known 
him  for  years;  and  during  a  period  of  great  politi- 
cal excitement  in  the  country,  we  have  seen  him 
filling  high  and  responsible  stations,  and  dischar- 
ging all  me  duties  pertaining  to  them  with  unsur- 
passed fidelity  and  eminent  ability.  He  possesses, 
as  all  will  concede,  great  purity  of  private  charac- 
ter, fine  talents,  and  unquestioned  patriotism.  He, 
sir,  is  no  military  chieftain,  panting  for  battle-fields 
and  military  renown.  He  is  an  exemplary  Chris- 
tian, advanced  in  years,  and  without  children  on 
whom  to  bestow  office  or  emoluments,  or  his  fame. 
He  is  no  adventurer,  having  nothing  to  lose;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  is  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  and 
holds  a  heavy  mterest  dependent  and  resting  upon 
the  blessings  of  peace.  He  is  now  safely  seated 
in  the  highest  ofnco  in  the  gifl  of  his  countrymen, 
if  not  in  the  world;  one-fourth  of  the  period  of  its 
tenure  already  expired,  and  is  no  candidate  for  re- 
election. Wnat  possible  inducement  can  such  a 
man  have  to  sacrifice  the  best  interest  of  his  coun- 
try, or  to  involve  that  country,  to  which  he  owes 
everything,  in  am  unjust  war?  Have  we  no  secu- 
rity for  this,  in  his  long  past  life  of  sagacity,  vir- 
tue, and  fidelity  ?  None  in  his  able  aad  patriotic 
Cabinet .'  None  in  the  limited  tenure  of  his  oflice? 
None  in  the  appropriation  bills,  by  which  armies 
and  navies  are  raised,  armed,  and  fed.'  None  in 
the  revisory  power  of  a  stem,  vigilant,  unquailing 
Senate  ? 

Is  there  no  security  in  the  terrors  of  the  im- 
peaching power.'  None  in  the  uniform,  and  beau- 
tiful, and  fkscinating  examples  of  all  of  his  prede- 
cessors? Sir,  has  the  interest  of  this  country  ever 
been  betrayed  to  a  foreign  Power,  or  an  unjust 
war  brought  upon  it,  by  any  of  our  Executives .' 
Never,  sir,  never.  All  of  our  Executives,  no  mat- 
ter to  whai  party  they  may  have  belonged,  have 
extended  widely  and  more  widely  the  just  fame  of 
this  country.  And  yet,  sir,  we  find  Senators,  with 
a  full  knowledge  of  all  these  things,  doubting  and 
hesitating  about  passing  this  notice,  because  they 
fear  that  the  President,  by  his  rashness,  or  folly, 
or  wickedness,  may  involve  the  country  in  war. 
Such  fears  and  such  suspicions  as  these  are  un- 
worthy of  us,  and  unjust  to  that  distinguished 
IVinctionary.  They  cannot  trust  him,  because,  in 
his  Inaugural  Address,  he  stated,  what  he  believed, 
that  all  of  Oregon  was  ours.  He  did  make  that 
statement,  and  he  believed  it.  And  yet,  sir,  in  a 
spirit  of  compromise,  and  in  deference  to  the  acts  of 
his  predecessors,  he  yielded  up  his  own  opinions, 
and  offered  to  settle  this  boundary  on  the  49th 
parallel.  But,  oh,  the  Baltimore  convention !  He 
is  bound  by  the  edicts  of  that  convention !  Sir,  I 
was  a  member  of  that  convention,  and  clnim  to 
know  something  of  "the  open  day  and  midnight 
transactions"  of  that  assemblage;  but  of  them  I 
shall  not  speak.  It  can  now  do  no  good  to  the 
Democratic  party  to  revive  a  discussion  of  our 
family  difficulties,  which  are  now  happily  forgot- 
ten by  the  family,  and  are  "in  the  deep  bosom  of 
the  ocean  buried."  A  repetition  of  these  family 
jars  is  now  rather  stale,  even  for  the  tender  sym- 
pathies of  our  sympathizing  fViends  over  the  way; 


and  therefore,  out  of  proper  regard  to  diem,  they 
will  be  spared  the  infliction  of  such  a  recital.  I 
was  there,  sir;  was  one  of  those  who,  on  the  meeting 
of  that  convention,  was  called  by  some  of  the  ar- 
dent a  traitor  to  the  party;  but  three  days  there- 
after, at  the  close  of  that  convention,  my  associates 
and  myself  were  esteemed  patriots  and  saviours 
of  the  party — thus  furnishing,  in  this  instance, 
another  illustration  of  the  truth  of  history,  that 
classifications  generally  are  the  results  of  successes 
or  failures,  in  any  enterprise  of  magnitude.  I 
was  there,  sir;  and  was  one  of  the  Brutuses  who 
helped  to  slay  our  Caesar,  (Mr.  Van  Buren,)  "  not 
that  I  loved  him  less,  but  that  I  loved  Rome  more;" 
and,  like  Brutus,  I  have  reserved  the  same  dagger, 
to  be  used  by  some  friendly  hand  upon  myself, 
whenever,  like  him,  I  shall  so  far  foiget  or  mistake 
the  interests  of  my  country.  I  will  barely  add, 
sir,  that  there  was  nothing  which  occurred,  in  my 
judoment,  at  that  convention,  inconsistent  with  a 
settlement  of  this  question  by  negotiation.  The 
action  of  the  President  on  this  question  shows  in 
what  light  he  views  it. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  now  said  nearly  all  I  in- 
tended to  say  upon  this  subject.  I  shall  detain  the 
Senate  but  a  few  moments  longer.  Sir,  I  deprecate 
war;  I  have  no  taste  for  fields  of  carnage,  or  for 
the  conflagration  of  cities;  no  desire  unnecessarily 
to  interrupt  the  business  or  peaceful  pursuits  of 
men.  Feeling  thus,  sir,  I  hope,  notwithstanding 
my  fears  to  the  contrary,  that  we  shall  have  no 
war.  I  desire  that  this  notice  shall  pass,  that  the 
President  shall  be  lefl  untrammelled;  that  he  may, 
if  possible,  secure  our  rights  in  Oregon,  which  can 
never  be  abandoned,  and  at  the  same  time  avoid 
this  war.  A  war,  however  honorably  it  may  ter- 
minate, (for  of  that  I  have  no  fears,)  would  be 
troublesome,  expensive,  and  inconvenient  to  the 
United  States.  It  would  be  the  same  to  Great  Brit- 
ain; and  she,  I  hope,  is  not  disposed  to  overlook 
that  consideration.  Her  people,  like  those  of  the 
United  States,  live  by  their  labor,  end  flourish  by 
their  commerce.  A  war  between  the  two  countrie^i 
would  interrupt  those  pursuits.  To  her  it  ought 
to  be  as  desirable  as  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  that  this  irritating  ciuestion,  so  lon»  an  open 
one,  should  be  settled  amicably,  and  settled  soon. 
She  must  learn  the  lesson  now,  if  she  has  not  al- 
ready learnt  it,  that  however  desirable  it  may  be  to 
her,  this  Oregon  question  can  no  longer  remain  in 
its  present  position — that  the  conventions  of  1818 
and  1827,  whatever  may  be  the  results,  &i-e  already 
doomed  to  annihilation.    This  is  settled. 

I  am  ready,  sir,  to  confess  that  I  have  no  partic- 
ular partiality  for  Great  Britain.  I  have,  perhaps, 
inherited  prejudices  against  her.  But  still,  sir,  if 
she  will  settle  this  question  fairly  and  justly,  and 
I  will  add  promptly,  and  by  so  d.oing  preserve  the 
peace  between  tne  two  countries,  I  shall  be  one  of 
the  first  to  forget  the  past  of  two  wars — the  many 
irritating  disputes  since,  and  in  my  own  time,  with 
her — her  unjust  diplomacy — and,  in  the  honesty 
and  sincerity  of  my  heart,  do  all  I  can  to  cultivate 
the  most  amicable  relations  and  intercourse  with 
her,  henceforth  and  forever.  Let  her,  in  the  elo- 
quent language  of  our  Secretary,  "remove  the  only 
cloud  that  now  intercepts  a  long  and  prosperous 
peace  between  the  two  countries,"  and  no  one,  on 


II 


rd  to  diem,  they 
ach  a  recital.  I 
o,  on  the  meeting 
■  some  of  the  ar- 
iree  days  there- 
n,  my  associates 
)ts  and  saviours 
1  this  instance, 
of  history,  that 
lults  cf  successes 
magnitude.  I 
e  Brutuses  who 
emBuren,)  "not 
ed  Rome  more;*' 
he  same  dagger, 
id  upon  myself. 
Olivet  or  mistake 
will  bareljr  add, 
occurred,  in  my 
consistent  with  a 
3goliation.  The 
iiestion  shows  in 

i  nearly  all  I  in- 

I  shall  detain  the 

,  Sir,  I  deprecate 

f  carnage,  or  for 

ire  unnecessarily 

ceful  pursuits  of 

notwithstanding 

re  shall  have  no 

all  pass,  that  the 

led;  that  he  may, 

regon,  which  can 

same  time  avoid 

rably  it  may  ter- 

fears,;)  would  be 

anvenient  to  the 

me  to  Great  Brit- 

)sed  to  overlook 

like  those  of  the 

,  end  flourish  by 

he  two  countries 

To  her  it  ought 

lie  of  the  United 

so  lon»  an  open 

nd  settled  soon. 

she  has  not  al- 

able  it  may  be  to 

longer  remain  in 

ventiops  of  1818 

lults,  are  already 

settled. 

have  no  partic- 

;  have,  perhaps, 

But  still,  sir,  if 

and  justly,  and 

»ing  preserve  the 

I  shall  be  one  of 

wars — the  many 

r  own  time,  with 

in  the  honesty 

can  to  cultivate 

intercourse  with 

her,  in  the  elo- 

remove  the  only 

and  prosperous 

'  and  no  one,  on 


'< 


f 


13 


either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  will  reioice  at  it  more 
than  myself.    And  in  doing  this,  I  ask  no  favors 
at  her  hands.     I  am  too  prcud  to  ask  her  for  con- 
cessions.   Of  the  two,  I  would  sooner  give  than 
;  receive  them.    All  I  want  is  that  to  which  my  coun- 
'  try  is  justly  entitled.    All  I  ask,  in  the  settlement 
'  of  this  question,  is  justice  and  fairness,  and  these 
willingly  granted,  in  a  frank  and  manly  spirit.  Let 
her  do  this,  and  our  ancient  diflferences  and  our  late 


and 'present  irritations  will  be  soon  forgotten,  and 
peace  will  shed  its  happy  influence  over  the  rela- 
tions and  intorcourss  of  these  two  great  and  power- 
ful nations  of  the  earth.  She  has  the  honorable 
offer  of  peace  on  these  terms,  or  war,  if  she  desires 
it,  on  any  other;  and  in  selecting  this  option,  it 
is  to  be  earnestly  hoped  that  wisdom  and  justice, 
and  not  petty  jealousies  or  passion,  will  rule  her 
councils. 


